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"mcsweegan"

Calorie Counting Gets Its Start in Connecticut

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For most of human history food was something you found or grew and then gladly ate to stay alive. There was little thought to its quality or nutritional value, let alone calorie counting.

That began to change in the 19th century as scientists discovered thermodynamics (the study of heat and energy). They then applied that knowledge to improving the efficiency of steam engines. They used those same concepts of heat and energy to study how different foods improved the health and value of livestock and increased their capacity for work. Eventually, one man turned to studying nutrition and work in people. He thereby caused future generations to scrutinize food labels, to obsess over weight and exercise and to count calories.

atwater

Portrait of Wilbur Atwater. National Agricultural Library.

The Weight Watcher

Wilbur Olin Atwater was born in New York in 1844 and grew up in Connecticut and Vermont. He earned a degree in agricultural chemistry from Wesleyan University in Middletown, Conn., in 1865. He then received a doctorate in the same field from Yale University four years later.

Atwater chose a good time to get interested in the science underlying agriculture. The 1862 Homestead Act gave some 400,000 American families land on which to start new farms and raise livestock. That same year, the Land-Grant College Act (or Morrill Act) gave land grants to the states to establish colleges focusing on A&M—agriculture and the mechanic arts. Agriculture was big business and it drove the economies of most states. Atwater’s made his initial contribution to that economy by studying the mineral content of various fertilizers. Then he went to Europe.

Connecticut Experiment Station

In Germany, he spent two years studying physiological chemistry and visiting European experimental agriculture stations. He returned to Wesleyan University in 1873 to become the school’s first professor of chemistry. Inspired by European agricultural stations and their research on crops and fertilizers, Atwater persuaded Wesleyan and the Connecticut Legislature to establish an agricultural station in the basement of Judd Hall at Wesleyan. By 1877, a permanent Connecticut Experiment Station was established at Yale University.

Years later, Atwater and colleagues persuaded Congress to establish experiment stations at the land-grant colleges previously created by the Morrill Act. The  1887 Hatch Act resulted from those efforts.  Atwater became the director of the second agricultural experiment station at Storrs Agricultural College in Connecticut. In 1888, the Office of Experiment Stations was created to monitor and appraise the research of the state-level stations.  Atwater served as its first national director. Eventually, the work of the stations was turned into Farmers’ Bulletins so farmers and ranchers could keep up with the latest findings about feed, fertilizers and crop management.

calorimeter

Exiting the respiration calorimeter. National Agricultural Library.

Measuring Heat

Returning to Germany again, Atwater observed his European colleagues using thermodynamic principles to study respiration and metabolism in livestock. He thought it would be instructive to do similar studies on people. When he returned to Wesleyan, Atwater built a “respiration calorimeter” to study human metabolism.

Atwater’s calorimeter, an enclosed four-by-eight-foot chamber, could measure a test subject’s body heat during exercise, oxygen intake, carbon dioxide output, and the amount of energy provided by various foods. Atwater then used his students as most of his test subjects;  some of whom may have wanted extra cash, a better grade or both. Over several years, Atwater and his guinea pig students quantified the dynamics of metabolism and determined the balance between food intake and energy output. He called that measure of food energy the Calorie.

Calorie Counting

Calorie comes from the Latin, calor, for heat. The French scientist Nicolas Clément used it as a unit of heat in the early 19th century. The Calorie (large “C”) actually is 1,000 calories (small “c”) or one kilocalorie. This is the amount of energy needed to raise the temperature of one kilogram of water one degree Celsius. Atwater determined the caloric content of foods using a “bomb calorimeter,” which burned whole foods or individual samples of fat, carbohydrates and protein and measured the resulting heat. Atwater’s system, for example, found protein contained 4,000 calories per gram, as did carbohydrates. Fat contained 9,000 calories per gram.

exercise-bike

Exercise bicycle. National Agricultural Library.

This research was more than ivory tower information for scientists and scientific journal editors. His 1896 report to the Department of Agriculture, “The Chemical Composition of American Food Materials,” listed the calories and nutritional content of 500 different foods.  With that data, Atwater then made practical recommendations for economical diets that still would provide sufficient nutritional value. He emphasized the importance of an inexpensive and balanced diet that included more proteins, beans and vegetables in place of carbohydrates and indigestible fiber. Atwater also concluded Americans consumed too much fat and sugar and did not exercise enough—conclusions still true today.

4,000 Calories a Day?

“A woman with light exercise, for example, required 2,300 calories per day, while a man with a corresponding activity level needed 2,830 calories,” according to a Century magazine article Atwater wrote in 1888.

Winning over a skeptical public about calorie intake and exercise was not made easier by the fact that the beefy Dr. Atwater looked as if he enjoyed 4,000 calories a day. Worse perhaps, his research showed that people generated heat (energy) from alcoholic beverages (7,000 calories per gram). In other words, alcohol had nutritional value. This did not win him any friends in the Methodist Church or the temperance movement, and he belonged to both. Nonetheless, Atwater and his colleagues had started a “scientific eating” movement.

World War I

During World War I, the U.S. Food Administration used publications and good old-fashioned propaganda to make calorie counting a familiar concept to the larger public. The government then rationed certain foods for shipping to allies and encouraged the public to seek out alternative foods of similar nutritional content. The Food Administration, for example, would  encourage citizens to substitute a piece of beef (500 calories) for extra helpings of beans. The government also deemed rationing and not overindulging at the dinner table both healthy and patriotic. Many restaurants even started posting calorie counts on their menus so customers could keep track of their mealtime calories during the war.

wwi-sign

WWI Food Sign. Library of Congress.

After the war, rationing ended, but calorie counting did not. Fashion, foods, lifestyles and economies changed, and people tried to change with the times. As a result, dieting became common. Diet and Health, the first diet book published in the U.S., sold 2 million copies and stayed in print from 1918 to 1939.

Atwater died in 1907. He started a food revolution with his analytical research and turned the old French word calorie into a mantra and an obsession that lives on in the 21st century. Though today’s calorie counters may have to switch to counting joules—a more common international unit of energy that equals 0.239 calories (small “c”).

respiration

Measuring respiration. National Agricultural Library.

For more information:

Check out the Mayo Clinic Calorie Calculator to see your recommended daily calorie intake.

Visit the USDA’s Food Data Central for calorie and nutrient information about various foods.

See Scientific American’s July 2015 special issue on “The Science of Food.”

The author of this story, Edward McSweegan, is a Rhode Island microbiologist who writes about infectious diseases and history. This story was updated in 2023. 

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Island Castaways, New England’s Huddled Masses Yearning to Get Well

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Island castaways don’t have it easy. Just ask Robinson Crusoe. Yet, for centuries, medical and political authorities relied on the general inaccessibility of islands to isolate patients for whom they had no effective therapies.

In that tradition, New England governments made routine use of coastal islands to isolate patients and to protect the mainland populations from potential contagion and epidemics.

Here are seven islands, once home to island castaways in New England.

Rainsford Island

Tiny Rainsford Island in Boston Harbor may get even tinier as rising seas threaten to cut it in two. But at one time its eleven acres held a quarantine hospital, an almshouse, a reformatory and a pauper’s graveyard. The quarantine hospital moved to Rainsford in 1737 from nearby Spectacle Island. A smallpox hospital was added to Rainsford in 1832.

Even as public health practices improved and vaccines for many communicable diseases became available, the island continued as an offshore dumping ground for delinquents, unwed mothers, the indigent, the mentally ill—in other words, society’s undesirables.

Today, according to a recent Boston Globe article, the island still holds the remains of 1,777 of “Boston’s poor, diseased, and unwanted from Colonial times to the dawn of the 20th century.”

rainsford-island

Quarantine hospital on Rainsford Island

Spectacle Island

The Boston Customs House maintained a quarantine hospital on Spectacle Island. In April 1721, a British ship arrived in the harbor with smallpox cases onboard. The infection spread ashore before authorities could move the ship and quarantine the infected crew and passengers at the island hospital.

The Puritan minister, Cotton Mather, noted in his diary, “The grievous calamity of the small pox has now entered the town.”

Spectacle Island.

Mather had other worries. He advocated a primitive method of inoculating people against smallpox. Called variolation, the technique involved exposing healthy people to the exudate of other smallpox patients in the hope of producing a mild, manageable form of the disease.

The idea was wildly unpopular, and angry mobs threatened Mather and his allies. It was, in effect, the beginning of the anti-vaccine movement in America. Not until 1796 did Britain’s Edward Jenner use cowpox exudates to develop the first safe and effective vaccine against smallpox.

Noddles Island Castaways

Noddle’s Island doesn’t exist anymore. It belongs to the artificial peninsula that makes up Logan Airport. But once it was an island and the site of a hospital for the French naval fleet. During a smallpox outbreak in 1764, the island served as the site for an inoculation hospital.

Variolation inoculation against the pox was dangerous. So, an island seemed like the best place to contain the inoculated patients. It also kept out the anti-inoculation public.

In 1802, Harvard’s Benjamin Waterhouse used the island hospital to experiment with some of Jenner’s new cowpox vaccine. Waterhouse vaccinated 19 children with cowpox, then took them to the Noddle’s hospital to expose them to smallpox patients for 20 days. (They had no “informed consent” forms to sign in those days.) None of the vaccinated children developed smallpox.

Benjamin Waterhouse, 1833 painting by Rembrandt Peale.

Six years after the Noddle’s Island cowpox experiment, the Massachusetts Medical Society reported…”persons who undergo the cowpox are thereby rendered as incapable of being affected by the virus of smallpox as if they had undergone the latter disease.”

Deer Island

Deer Island in Boston Harbor lost its island status when the 1938 hurricane filled in the channel between it and the mainland.

But in 1677 it was an island and a convenient spot to establish a quarantine station for holding smallpox cases. It evolved into an important quarantine hospital in the late 1840’s as vast numbers of Irish refugees arrived.

Many already suffered from typhus and dysentery. Between 1847 and 1849 the island hospital received some 4,800 people. A few years later, the facilities expanded to support Boston’s regular population of criminals, delinquents and paupers—very much like the earlier residents of Rainsford Island.

Almshouse, 1851

Widow’s Island

Almost lost in the archipelago of Maine’s coastline off North Haven is Widow’s Island, sometimes written as Widow or Widows. In the 19th century, the U.S. Navy built a quarantine station on the island to house sailors suffering from a tropical disease called yellow fever. A deadly infection, it  regularly caused epidemics in the tropics and in American cities as far north as Boston. Scientists didn’t know what caused yellow fever or how it spread from person to person.

The Navy built a temporary facility in 1885, and then an imposing 50-bed hospital in 1888. But it never quarantined yellow fever patients on the island. An 1892 report from the Navy’s Bureau of Medicine and Surgery noted various repairs to the island hospital. But “no cases of yellow fever have been received at Widows Island.”

After describing the cleaning, fumigating and disinfecting of two ships in the New York Navy Yard, the report reached a conclusion. “It is probable that ships in the future infected with yellow fever will enter the quarantine port at New York….”

So much for Widow’s hospital.

Aerial view of Widow’s Island

In 1900, researchers in Cuba discovered mosquitoes transmitted yellow fever. So the elaborate and expensive efforts to disinfect and decontaminate ships and cargo was both unnecessary and useless. Eliminate the mosquito and you’ve eliminated yellow fever. The Widow’s Island hospital got torn down in 1935.

Gallops

Back in Boston, a 2018 winter storm exposed the forgotten graves of hundreds of smallpox victims on Gallops Island. Like many other islands scattered about Boston Harbor, the city used Gallops as a quarantine station.

island-castaways-noaa-map

NOAA map of the Boston Harbor Islands, home of countless island castaways.

A hospital for immigrants was built in 1866, and by 1886 the staff was examining over 33,000 passengers annually. A smallpox outbreak during 1872-73 sent a hundred Boston-area patients to the island. In 1873, two additional buildings were erected for cholera and yellow fever patients. In 1878, another hospital went up for passengers suffering from ‘ship fever,’ otherwise known as epidemic typhus. The following year, the old smallpox hospital was torn down and replaced.

Construction on the island, and the numbers of passengers with a variety of illnesses, hint at the vast number of immigrants passing through the port of Boston in the 19th century.

Despite the large number of ship passengers to examine and patients to quarantine and treat, the island also served as a site for the production of experimental anti-toxin. In 1891, German bacteriologists prepared anti-diphtheria anti-toxin in the blood of horses. They then used it to treat a patient dying of diphtheria. It worked, and serum-based anti-toxins, or ‘passive immunization’ became the standard treatment for many bacterial infections until the discovery of antibiotics.

(Passive immunization is now being revived to treat some COVID-19 patients.)

The Federal government took control of the island hospital during World War I and finally closed it in 1937. Today, the dead still remain at Gallops, now an island park.

Two lepers refused entrance to town, 14th century.

Penikese

Stranger than a yellow fever hospital in chilly Maine is a leper colony in Massachusetts. The U.S. has never had a large number of cases of leprosy, now called Hansen’s Disease. Still, the social stigma associated with leprosy, and scientific ignorance about its transmission and pathology, compelled local, state and federal governments to quarantine anyone suspected of having this ancient affliction.

Massachusetts was no different. The first known case in the state occurred in 1875. The infected man was isolated on Gallops Island. Immigration brought more cases and Massachusetts began looking for a site to build a leprosarium. But no one wanted it at the state’s infirmary in Tewksbury or on Cape Cod. In 1905, the state bought the island of Penikese in Buzzards Bay.

For the next 16 years, 36 patients and their doctor lived on the island in a smattering of buildings and cottages.

The patients were prisoners, but not criminals. Communicable disease has often permitted  that tricky distinction. Yet, the Penikese patients—mostly immigrants—were not abandoned entirely. Doctors tried to treat their disease. A 1976 research paper described experimental “drug therapy at the Massachusetts Leper Colony, 1905-1921.” The invention of wireless radio in the 1910s also gave the islanders a link to passing ships and the Marconi News Service broadcasts.

The National Leprosarium in Carville, La., opened in 1921. The Massachusetts governor wasted no time packing the Penikese Island castaways onto a southbound train. The state fumigated the island’s emptied buildings and then dynamited them.

For the next 50 years, the island served as a bird sanctuary. Then between 1973 and 1980 the island again became a place of isolation for some of society’s troublesome members. The Penikese Island School for delinquent boys found a temporary home among the graves and wreckage of the vanished leper colony.

Island Castaways Remembered

penikese

Penikese Island in 2005.

Penikese may be an obscure island that once housed a small number of people with a rare infection, but it has not been forgotten. A book about the island’s inhabitants was published in 1997. The poet, Eve Rifkah, wrote Outcasts in 2010. She listed information about the island’s individual residents in the back of her book.

Islands often appear convenient solutions to all manner of problems. Alcatraz held criminals. Elba held a would-be emperor. Robben held apartheid’s political prisoners. North Brother held Typhoid Mary.

The islands all eventually gave up their inmates and patients to become parks, sanctuaries and tourist attractions.

For more information: See Paul Cyr’s The Exiles of Penikese Island: Politics, Prejudice and the Public Health. See also  Richard J. Kahn’s The Widow’s Island Yellow Fever Quarantine Hospital in Penobscot Bay, Maine, 1885-1904: A Medical, Political, and Social History.

The author of this story about island castaways, Edward McSweegan is a Rhode Island microbiologist who writes about infectious diseases and history.

Images: By Doc Searls from Santa Barbara, USA – 2007_02_19_iad-bos_41.JPG, CC BY-SA 2.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=2180315, and Widow’s Island courtesy Google Maps. This story updated in 2023.

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African American Medical Students at Yale

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It’s an interesting photograph: serious-looking men in hats and suits, with a couple of human skulls among them. Taken in 1895, the picture shows a mixed bag of students from the Yale School of Medicine in New Haven who would graduate in 1895, 1896, and 1897. Two of the 1895 graduates are seated in the front row with “95” painted on the soles of their shoes. In the back row are two African American medical students who would graduate in 1897. They are Arthur Leslie Howard and William Fletcher Penn.

Howard and Penn

Howard was from St. Thomas in the Caribbean and went to school at Cooke College in Antigua. Penn was born in Virginia and attended the Virginia Normal and Collegiate Institute (now Virginia State University). Both men arrived at Yale in 1893 and shared an apartment on Chapel Street in New Haven.

Howard came from a wealthy West Indies family. Penn sometimes worked as a waiter, which likely contributed to his on-campus reputation as one of the “grouchiest and meanest men.”

Howard wrote his medical school thesis on the treatment of tetanus, which, in the 1890s, involved the use of lockjaw forceps to pry open a patient’s “locked” jaw and injections of antiserum to counter the lethal effects of the bacterial toxin. He graduated in 1897 and moved to the U.K. to practice and continue his medical education.

Unfortunately, Howard took ill there and died in 1904 at age 28. His Caribbean background made him an early advocate of Cuba’s independence from Spain. Had he stayed in the U.S. he might have elected to participate in the 1898 Spanish-American War as a “contract surgeon.” Many African American physicians and surgeons signed on to treat the Army’s black regiments, then known as the Buffalo soldiers.

Penn also graduated in 1897 and then moved to Atlanta, Ga. He became well known in the city and had an excellent reputation as a physician. Yet, he was denied membership in the Georgia branch of the American Medical Association. Instead, he joined the Georgia State National Medical Association (NMA), which promoted the interests of African American physicians and patients.

William F. Penn

In 1926, he moved to Alabama to become chief of surgery at the Veterans Administration Hospital in Tuskegee. He died of chronic myocarditis in 1934.

African American Medical Students at Yale

William F. Penn is often cited as the first African American medical graduate at Yale. He was not. As Daryl Daniels noted in his 1991 Yale School of Medicine thesis, “The first African-American known to have graduated from the School was Dr. Cortlandt Van Rensselaer Creed.

“Because of strong abolitionist sentiment at Yale and in New Haven during the 1850s and his family’s prominence in New Haven, Dr. Creed was able to matriculate into the School of Medicine in 1854,” wrote Daniels. “He graduated in 1857 and practiced in New Haven.”

Almost a hundred years later, in 1948, Dr. Beatrix A. McCleary became the first African-American woman to graduate from the Yale School of Medicine.

From 1879 to 1896, Yale had a three-year medical program. A fourth year was added for the incoming class of 1896. Howard and Penn entered Yale in 1893 so one might have expected them to graduate three years later in 1896. But they stayed for four years; whether out of interest or necessity is unclear.

Today, all medical schools are four-year programs and open to everyone regardless of color or sex.

With thanks to A History of Yale’s School of Medicine: Passing Torches to Others. 2008, Yale University Press, and Doctors Five: African-American Contract Surgeons in the Spanish-American War. Military Medicine, 1999;164(6):435-441.

The author of this story, Edward McSweegan is a Rhode Island microbiologist who writes about infectious diseases and history. This story updated in 2022.

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Revolutionary War Sites in New England

From bustling city markers to untouched woodland preserves, New England’s landscape is alive with the echoes of the American Revolution. This authoritative volume is your essential companion, revealing the places where ordinary people did extraordinary things.

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